WHO’S WHO ON TRUMP’S NATIONAL SECURITY COUNCIL?

Trump’s NSC, Explained

How Appointments and Processes Shape America’s Foreign Policy

In early May, President Donald Trump moved Secretary of State Marco Rubio into the role of national security adviser. Rubio is only the second individual in American history to hold the two titles simultaneously, the first being Henry Kissinger.

The two jobs are very, very different. The secretary of state serves as America’s top diplomat, jetting across the world and running a massive government agency, with its network of embassies and consulates worldwide. It’s not yet clear how Rubio, as acting national security adviser, will also convene consultations at the White House for immediate crises, let alone plan over the horizon for long-term concerns that will affect the nation. Who will be by the president’s side in his day-to-day dealings?

All of this national security chaos brings us back to first-order questions of how the bureaucracy operates, how its personalities and structures determine policy.

The assistant to the president for national security affairs, more commonly called the national security adviser, oversees a group of political appointees, area experts, and career officials seconded from other government agencies who constitute the National Security Council (NSC). Top aides work out of the White House with hundreds more next door in the Eisenhower Executive Office Building. The National Security Council, in theory, is underpinned by strict processes and hierarchies, which stands in contrast to a president who tends to govern by instinct.

The National Security Council was established with the passage of the 1947 National Security Act. Signed into law by Harry S. Truman, the act mandated a dramatic overhaul of the executive branch to accommodate a new, expansive definition of security that had taken hold during the Second World War and early Cold War. These events had impressed on lawmakers’ need for a more centralized and better coordinated national security establishment.

Less defined, however, was the role that the NSC would play in US foreign policy. Conceived initially to serve as an advisory board for the president, the NSC has, over the decades, expanded in size –– from 10–15 staffers to around 400 at its peak –– and its role in foreign affairs has in large part, been freely shaped and reshaped by the president.

The old Washington adage that personnel is policy reigns supreme. These are not nameless, faceless bureaucrats but policy entrepreneurs who brief the president on emerging crises and attend his meetings with world leaders.

That’s why the Institute for Global Affairs’ Independent America program has created a resource that maps the people advising the president on the day’s most important national security questions. The deeply researched biographies, featuring each adviser’s books and signature publications, will be updated as time goes on and as new staff joins the administration. We hope that it serves to inform the general public and insiders alike about how American foreign policy really works.

What We Know About Trump’s NSC

The National Security Council in Trump’s second term represents much continuity with the first on big-picture issues, including how the United States will address threats from China and Russia. Staff are responsible for producing the president’s National Security Strategy (NSS), a document issued once a term that guides the government’s approach to urgent geopolitical concerns and competitors like China and Russia. The White House’s larger vision on global issues is likely to build on the 2017 National Security Strategy, patched in with recently published executive orders and pronouncements. One of that strategy’s pillars, “Preserve Peace Through Strength,” has already figured strongly into the president’s rhetoric and policies.

For all the significance of the National Security Council, its public-facing work tends to be limited. NSC leaders speak to the media, participate in policy forums, and serve as diplomats abroad amid world crises, but the bulk of its staffers are generally quiet players. There is no published organizational chart of the NSC. Neither the national security adviser nor other personnel require Senate approval. Though public officials are legally required to preserve their documents, White House files are not subject to the Freedom of Information Act. It’s not possible to request relevant documents in real time. Yet the staff’s influence can be felt on policy decisions.

The NSC can refer to a few distinct bodies. At the highest level is the National Security Council that convenes with the president as its chair, which is composed of cabinet-level officials and senior staffers that meet when the president seeks them out. Below that is the Principals Committee, which is chaired by the national security adviser and meets with many of the same cabinet-level officials. Then there is the Deputies Committee, where the deputy secretaries and deputy chiefs from the agencies in question meet. One level down is the Policy Coordination Committees, called the Interagency Policy Committees in other administrations, where assistant secretaries convene with senior NSC personnel, who hold functional or regional roles, to hammer out more specific policy issues. And between all of those distinct committees are the National Security Council staffers. Even as Senate-approved appointees from key cabinet departments huddle to make decisions, it is the president who is the ultimate decision-maker.

Mike Waltz, Trump’s first national security adviser of his second term, brought onto the NSC staffers from his congressional office alongside GOP committee staff and alumni from the previous Trump term. Under Waltz, the deputy national security adviser was Alex Wong, a Republican foreign policy hand and Asia specialist who worked on North Korea policy in Trump’s first term and previously served on the staff of Sen. Tom Cotton’s office. Ricky Gill, an energy specialist who worked in the State Department, oversees South and Central Asia. Eric Trager, a longtime senior aide in the Senate and an Egypt expert, directs the Middle East file, and has been traveling the region with Special Presidential Envoy Steven Witkoff. Ivan Kanapathy, a former Marine officer, returns to a more senior role running Asia policy. Political scientist Andrew Peek runs European affairs. Sebastian Gorka, the controversial far-right pundit and firebrand personality, returns to the Trump White House focused on homeland security and terrorism. James Hewitt, a former aide to Waltz in the House, manages strategic communications. Alexei Bulazel, a tech expert who served in the past administration, runs cyber policy. Kevin Harrington, a former Trump official who most recently worked as managing director of Thiel Macro LLC, will be tasked with adding updates to the 2017 strategy. Below, you can find in-depth bios of these individuals and more.

Where there haven’t been appointments — the NSC’s directorate for Africa or for global health, for example — shows where the president’s foreign policy priorities stand.

With Waltz tapped to be ambassador to the United Nations, it’s not yet clear who will remain in their posts or be shuffled elsewhere.

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How the Trump 47 NSC May Be Different

One major change in the Trump White House, according to National Security Presidential Memorandum-1, is the breaking down of barriers between the National Security Council and the Homeland Security Council. This appears to build on Russell Vought’s Project 2025 recommendation “to consolidate the functions” of both bodies. In practice, this means that the role of the homeland security adviser — Stephen Miller, who is also the White House’s deputy chief of staff — has been elevated, especially on issues like immigration, cyber, and counterterror. He’s now seen as a top contender to serve as the next national security adviser.

Initial indicators suggest that working levels of the NSC will be empowered. “It will be critical that engagement at the Assistant Secretary and Deputy Secretary levels are prioritized because policy decisions may be made at the Assistant Secretary and Deputy Secretary levels more frequently,” the law firm Akin Gump has advised its clients.

There are many historical models for the national security adviser. In Washington, a mythology surrounds Brent Scowcroft, the Air Force general who served in the White House under Presidents Gerald Ford and George H.W. Bush. He reformed the National Security Council into an evenhanded coordinator of the bureaucracy, where deliberation among experts and policy leaders ostensibly gives the president not recommendations but options. On the other hand, Henry Kissinger, who served Ford and Richard Nixon, concentrated power in the role and focused on delivering strong recommendations. For Kissinger, the national security adviser was a power player unto himself, and the centralization of foreign policymaking authority in the White House has steadily grown since.

Four national security advisers passed through the doors of the first Trump White House, and each brought a different approach and style. Michael Flynn, the Army general, only lasted 22 days, resigning after undisclosed contacts with the Russian ambassador. Keith Kellogg filled in in an acting capacity for a week. Then, H.R. McMaster, another Army general who had written a celebrated book called Dereliction of Duty on the failures of Vietnam, served for 13 months and developed the big-picture strategy that largely remains in place. John Bolton, George W. Bush’s ambassador to the United Nations and a hawkish Republican foreign policy luminary, attempted to instill an orderly policy process from April 2018 to September 2019. His deputy Charles Kupperman served in an acting capacity for about a week until Robert O’Brien, an attorney who was Trump’s special presidential envoy for hostage affairs, took over. He printed out the president’s tweets to set the tone for National Security Council meetings.

Each alumnus of the Trump administration would handle the current national security transition in their own way. Bolton, in a recent op-ed, argues that tightening up the bureaucracy and improving the “decision-making process” is the way forward.

Others say you need to focus on what the president wants. “The American people elected Donald Trump. So it’s not your job to try to manipulate Donald Trump into decisions,” McMaster told the Council on Foreign Relations in January. “It’s your job … to be the guardian of his independence of judgment and to provide him with best analysis and multiple options.”

Meet The NSC

Marco Rubio, a former senior senator from Florida, currently serves as secretary of state. He juggles multiple portfolios in Trump’s second term. In addition to leading both the NSC and the State Department — the first official to do so since Henry Kissinger held both jobs — Rubio is the acting administrator of a greatly diminished U.S. Agency for International Development and the chief archivist at the National Archives and Records Administration.

First elected to the Senate in 2010, Rubio established himself as a key player on issues related to foreign policy and national security. He held powerful positions as vice chair of the Senate Select Committee on Intelligence and as ranking member of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, where he was the leading Republican on its Subcommittee on Western Hemisphere, Transnational Crime, Civilian Security, Democracy, Human Rights, and Global Women’s Issues.

Born and raised in Miami, Florida, Rubio’s parents were Cuban immigrants, and other members of his family were refugees who had arrived in the United States during the Cuban Revolution. Rubio attended the University of Florida and earned a J.D. from the University of Miami. He spent his early career in state and local politics, during which he held public office as West Miami city commissioner and as speaker of the Florida House of Representatives.

In 2016, Rubio ran for president against Donald Trump but dropped out of the Republican primary when he lost Florida to Trump.

Stephen Miller, a close confidant of Donald Trump, worked as a senior policy adviser and top speechwriter in the first Trump White House. Miller’s relationship with Trump dates to at least 2016, when he was a major player on the campaign trail. He is credited with shaping the president’s hard-line immigration policies and is at the top of Trump’s short list to assume the role of national security adviser from Marco Rubio.

In 2021, Miller co-founded America First Legal, which he calls the right’s “long-awaited answer to the ACLU.”

Miller came into Trump’s orbit as an aide to then-Sen. Jeff Sessions (R-AL), who would later be tapped to serve as Trump’s first attorney general. He had previously worked as press secretary for Rep. Michele Bachmann (R-MN) and was the communications director for Rep. John Shadegg (R-AZ). He made his first national appearances on conservative talk shows when he was a student at Duke University.


Alexei Bulazel served in the first Trump administration as the NSC director for cyber policy (2020-2021). He was the NYU Tandon School of Engineering’s hacker in residence from 2019 to 2020 and most recently held a nonresident fellowship at the Foundation for American Innovation, where he focused on national security, technology policy, cybersecurity, and artificial intelligence.

In the private sector, Alexei worked as a senior security researcher at the cybersecurity firm River Loop Security and led security engineering work at Oracle and Apple. He is the author of several peer-reviewed articles on computer security and frequently contributes to public discussions on issues at the intersection of cyber and international security.


Andrew Peek is a political scientist who most recently served as the national security adviser to then-Rep. Mike Waltz. During Trump’s first term, Peek served as deputy assistant secretary for Iraq and Iran (2017-2019) before moving into the White House as the senior director for Europe and Eurasia (2019-2020).

Peek is a former Army Reserve intelligence officer and holds a Ph.D. in international relations from the Johns Hopkins School of Advanced International Studies, where he wrote a dissertation entitled “On the Effective Use of Proxy Warfare” under the direction of Eliot Cohen. He has contributed to Foreign Affairs, The Wall Street Journal, and The New York Observer.


Brian Hughes is the NSC spokesperson responsible for shaping the White House’s public affairs strategy on national security. He previously directed the Trump campaign in Florida and served as the spokesperson for President Trump’s transition team. Hughes has been active in Florida politics for much of his career. He was chief of staffchief administrative officer under former Jacksonville Mayor Lenny Curry and was the first communications director for then-Florida Gov. Rick Scott. In 2012, he worked as a consultant for Gov. Ron DeSantis during his first successful congressional campaign.


Brian McCormack was the acting executive associate director at the Office of Management and Budget during Trump’s first term (2019-2021). Prior to that, he worked as chief of staff to Secretary of Energy Rick Perry (2017-2019). A longtime energy consultant, McCormack is the co-founder of United Coalition for Advanced Nuclear (UCAN) Power, an organization that champions nuclear energy for both military and civilian purposes. He also served as vice president of political and external affairs at Edison Electric Institute and in the Bush administration as an aide to Vice President Dick Cheney.


Catherine Bellah Keller was the Commerce Department’s deputy general counsel for strategic initiatives (2017-2018) before moving to the White House, where she served as the deputy staff secretary and deputy general counsel (2018-2020). In 2024, Keller was appointed by Gov. Greg Abbott to serve on the Governing Board of the Texas Department of Information Resources.

Keller previously worked at the global law and investment firms Charles & Potomac Capital, Plumaven, Dimensional Fund Advisors, and Latham & Watkins LLP. She holds a J.D. from the University of Texas Law School and clerked for Judge William Garwood on the Fifth Circuit of Appeals.


Eric Trager is a Middle East specialist who served on Republican staff of the Senate Armed Services Committee (2018-2025), as well as the Senate Foreign Relations Committee under then-chairman Sen. Bob Corker (R-TN). He was also the Esther K. Wagner Fellow at the Washington Institute for Near East Policy (2011-2018), and has been adjunct professor at the University of Michigan since 2015. Trager holds an M.A. in Arabic studies from the American University in Cairo, where he studied while living in Egypt as an Islamic Civilizations Fulbright Fellow, and a Ph.D. from the University of Pennsylvania.


Ian Bennitt is a former congressional staffer tapped to lead the White House’s new shipbuilding office as its senior director. During his time on the Hill, Ian worked on the House Transportation and Infrastructure Committee as a senior adviser to the Republican chair, and the House Armed Services Committee as staff lead for the Seapower and Projection Forces Subcommittee. Ian has also lobbied on behalf of the firms Adams & Reese LLP, Ball Janik LLP, and Shipbuilders Council of America.


Ivan Kanapathy served in the first Trump White House as NSC director for China, Taiwan, and Mongolia (2018-2019) and deputy senior director for Asian Affairs (2020-2021). Before his return to government, Kanapathy worked at Beacon Global Strategies, where he supported the firm’s Indo-Pacific Practice and led its Taiwan Analysis Center (2021-2025). He was also a senior associate at the Center for Strategic and International Studies and a senior nonresident fellow at the Center for Strategic and Budgetary Assessments. Kanapathy is a former Marine Corps officer who served as a military attaché to the American Institute in Taiwan.

Kanapathy authored two chapters in The Boiling Moat: Urgent Steps to Defend Taiwan (Hoover Institution Press, 2024), which presents a guide for the United States and its allies on countering China’s aggression toward Taiwan.


James Hewitt worked as communications director and deputy chief of staff to then-Rep. Mike Waltz (2021-2025). During Trump’s first term, Hewitt served in the Environmental Protection Agency as associate administrator for public affairs and press secretary, and in the Department of State as a senior adviser in the Bureau of Global Public Affairs (2017-2021). Before that, he was deputy press secretary for the Republican National Committee and was an associate and senior director at the crisis management PR firm Dezenhall Resources.


Kevin Harrington returns as the senior director for strategic planning, a role held in Trump’s first administration and one that is considered one of the most important on the NSC. Harrington is responsible for turning the president’s agenda and priorities into a guiding strategy document. In his previous capacity as senior director, Harrington stressed the importance of close energy ties with Russia and floated a plan to withdraw U.S. forces from the Baltic states.

Prior to his work in government, Kevin studied physics at Stanford and consulted for the university’s Center for International Security and Cooperation on issues concerning national infrastructure and nuclear security. More recently, Kevin was the managing director of Thiel Macro LLC and its predecessor, Clarium Capital.


Micah Thomas Ketchel was the chief of staff to then-Rep. Mike Waltz (2019-2025). He previously worked as a counsel and policy director at the Republican State Leadership Committee and served as the counsel to the Republican Attorneys General Association. Ketchel holds a J.D. from Florida State University College of Law and has been a member of the Federalist Society since 2009.


Ricky Gill served in the first Trump administration as a senior adviser at the State Department’s Bureau of Overseas Building Operations (2017-2020) and later at the NSC as director for Russia and European Energy Security (2020). He previously worked as a policy adviser at TC Energy and was a principal and general counsel at Gill Capital Group.

Raised in California’s Central Valley, Gill ran for Congress in 2012, seeking to represent California’s Ninth Congressional District. He holds a J.D. from the University of California, Berkeley.


Sebastian Gorka is a conservative pundit specializing in counterterrorism. He was appointed as deputy assistant to the president early in Trump’s first term but departed the administration in 2017 when he was unable to receive a security clearance. Prior to becoming a naturalized American citizen, Gorka held government jobs in Hungary’s Department of Defense.

Gorka is a former Fox News contributor. He hosted “AMERICA FIRST” on the Salem Radio Network and “The Gorka Reality Check” on Newsmax TV. From 2014 to 2017, he worked as a national security editor at Breitbart. Gorka holds a Ph.D. in political science from Corvinus University of Budapest.


Walker Barrett recently served as a professional staff member on the House Armed Services Committee (2023-2025). Prior to that, he worked in Michael Waltz’s congressional office as the representative’s deputy chief of staff. Barrett has also worked on the Hill as a legislative director for Rep. Jeff Denham (R-CA), an assistant in the House Transportation and Infrastructure Committee, and as a legislative assistant and then director for Rep. Tim Rice (R-SC).

This post is part of Independent America, a research program led out by Jonathan Guyer, which seeks to explore how US foreign policy could better be tailored to new global realities and to the preferences of American voters.

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